Tuesday, November 27, 2012

4Pakistani.com

4Pakistani.com


Court stays shifting of Sindh Muslim College

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 01:37 PM PST



KARACHI: For now, the students of SM college can rejoice. The Sindh High Court has suspended the notification to shift the college to another building in a nearby neighbourhood.

The college students had gone to court against the government's decision to shift the college building. The Sindh government had earlier merged the Sindh Muslim (SM) Government Science College with Sindh Madressatul Islam, which was recently given the status of a university. Once the university's management took control of the administrative affairs of the college, it decided to shift the physical assets and staff of the SM college to the building of Government Degree Girls' College in Kharadar.

On October 11, the education additional director for college inspection issued a letter to shift the college to the new premises immediately. Reportedly, the decision was taken to create space for the newly pronounced university. But four college students, including Sarfaraz Khan Intiminanzai, took the government to Sindh High Court challenging the decision.

The petitioners claimed that shifting the college during an ongoing session would seriously affect 1,500 students studying at the campus. Moreover, the new college building allocated was not even enough to accommodate the staff and students.

1500

Earlier, a college in the same neighbourhood, where the SM college was to be shifted, was shut down due to poor security situation. "The security situation in the neighbourhood is volatile and not conducive for academic activities," the petitioners' lawyer, Malik Naeem Iqbal, argued. The students appealed to the court to set aside the letter ordering the college to be shifted and stay the process until the petition was decided. On Tuesday, as the matter came up for hearing, Iqbal reiterated that shifting the college would waste the whole academic year of hundreds of students.

After hearing the arguments, the SHC division bench headed by Chief Justice Mushir Alam suspended the order to shift the college till the next date. The judges directed the provincial law officer to file comments of the Sindh governor, chief secretary, education secretary and regional director for colleges. The provincial law officer was ordered to file their comments within two weeks.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 28th, 2012.


Why Pakistan should apologise to Bangladesh

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 12:34 PM PST



It was reported in the media recently that the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina Wajid, turned down an official invitation to visit Pakistan for the D-8 summit, and instead sent someone else to represent her. The reports said that this was done because Bangladesh was unhappy, that after all these years, Pakistan had yet to issue a formal apology for the events of 1971.

Whether or not Sheikh Hasina did the right thing is something that only time will tell. However, in my view, she should have come to Pakistan. Since the 1980s, five Pakistani heads of government have made official visits to Bangladesh and when president Pervez Musharraf visited Bangladesh in August 2002, he actually came very close to offering an apology. After laying a wreath at the National Martyrs' Memorial outside Dhaka, dedicated to those killed in the war, he wrote in the official visitors' book "Your brothers and sisters in Pakistan share the pains of the events of 1971. The excesses committed during the unfortunate period are regrettable". However, this obviously was not enough.

I am not sure whether the state of Pakistan will ever formally apologise to Bangladesh considering that there were two horrors committed during the Bangladesh tragedy and by that account there are not one but two reciprocal apologies that seem to be due.

This seems to be amply stated in his article by Anthony Mascarenhas, who at that time was an assistant editor with the Morning News of Karachi, a villain for most Pakistanis but for the world, an honest journalist credited for the role he played in exposing the genocide in Bangladesh and for encouraging India to play a decisive role in ending the war. On June 13, 1971, Mascarenhas wrote an article titled "Genocide" in the Times. In the article, he pointed out that there were in fact two horrors to the Bangladesh tragedy. One was committed by Bengali troops and paramilitary personnel stationed in East Pakistan who mutinied in early March 1971 and put to death many non-Bengalis and Biharis. The second horror, he wrote, was committed by Pakistani forces that in a punitive response to the killings of non-Bengalis at the hands of the mutineers and their accomplices, initiated a military operation codenamed 'Operation Searchlight' on the night of March 25, 1971.

However, it was the rebels who initiated the violence in March of 1971 and what happened in the ensuing months speaks of a sorry tale of killing and mayhem. In the seven months that followed, hundreds of thousands of people lost their lives.

The conventionally accepted death toll agreed by most researchers is between one and two million. The fact is that many innocent people died in deliberately executed acts of genocide and blame for this lies on both parties to the conflict. The Mukti Bahini targeted the West Pakistanis and Biharis and the Pakistani army's military operation targeted the Hindus and the Bengali civil population. Both sides committed war crimes that warranted state apologies and not general amnesty; not yesterday and not even today.

As a Pakistani, I feel no shame in suggesting that we must apologise to Bangladesh but before we do that we must first as a state apologise to the people and the land we used to refer to as East Pakistan. An apology to them is due on two accounts. The first is that we showed wilful intent to keep the eastern wing militarily exposed, defenceless and vulnerable to India, courtesy our military strategy which was based on the reasoning that the battle of the east will be won in the west. The second has to do with the shameful manner in which the eastern wing was neglected when it was part of Pakistan.

Both these did little to allay the fears of Bengalis, and in fact, added to their insecurities and distrust that resulted in creating momentum towards a point where many started demanding secession and a separate homeland. Yes, we must apologise to Bangladesh for not doing enough for it and for being unable to guarantee the safety and security of its people when it was a part of our country.

The military solution that the government of General Yahya Khan favoured may have been in line with the principle of preservation of national unity, integrity and ideology and if better executed, may even have prevented East Pakistan's secession from the rest of Pakistan. However, clearly it wasn't the only solution that could have kept Pakistan united, as the events of 1971 showed. No army can hold a country together by force and it was this mistake by the military government of General Yahya Khan that made us lose half of our country. In that regard, we must also apologise to the lost Eastern Wing for using a military solution against its people and not one based on dialogue and democracy.

In a war that we lost, the minimum the state could have done was not to benefit the military leaders; in fact, they should actually have been retired and allowed to fade away. General Yahya Khan was a beneficiary of two pensions, one as Chief of Army Staff and the other as president of Pakistan. Lt Gen Yaqoob Ali Khan, who resigned and was removed from his post of Commander Eastern Command on March 1, 1971, was instead rewarded by being made ambassador to France and America and later was even appointed as Pakistan's foreign minister. General Tikka Khan, who took over the military command from him and who initiated the infamous military operation in Dhaka on the night of November 25-26, was rewarded with the post of army chief. His generals who supervised and executed this operation in Dhaka included General Farman — he was appointed chairman of the Fauji Foundation on his return to Pakistan and Brigadier Jahanzeb Arbab was eventually promoted to lieutenant general. All these were benefits given to generals returning from a defeated war theatre.

Apologising to Bangladesh may be difficult and may take a long time in the coming but is repatriating 250,000 stranded Biharis — who call themselves Pakistanis — from Bangladesh a difficult thing as well? At the very least Pakistan should accept them.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 28th, 2012.


Ban on motorbikes lifted in G-B

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 11:34 AM PST



GILGIT: 

The Gilgit administration lifted ban on motorbikes on Monday, a day after Muharram processions passed peacefully across the region.

The ban on motorcycles remained effective till 10th Muharram, however, the ban on pillion riding will continue for as long as the government deems it necessary, said Shehzad Ahmed, an official in the Gilgit-Baltistan (G-B) media cell.

Entry of motorbikes into Gilgit city was banned on 5th Muharram after the government received cautions from the Interior Ministry, warning it to be vigilant as a group of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) militants was planning an attack on Muharram processions in the area.

Meanwhile, police released five men taken into custody from a procession route in Gilgit a day earlier.

The arrested men, who belong to Khyber-Paktunkhwa, were not carrying identity cards, said an official, adding that they were released after investigation. Government offices remained closed on Monday.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 27th, 2012. 


Apex court questions TCCP sub-lease for Reko Diq exploration

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 10:33 AM PST



ISLAMABAD: A three-member bench of the Supreme Court on Tuesday questioned how the Tethyan Copper Company Pakistan (TCCP) been given rights by BHP unilaterally without obtaining consent from the Balochistan Government first despite having rights in the project only as a partner of the Joint Venture Agreement (JVA)  made for the project in Reko Diq.

Reko Diq is a multi-billion dollar project in the area of district Chaghi of Balochistan where millions of tonnes of copper and gold were identified in different reports prepared by world renowned companies.

The three-member bench comprising Chief Justice of Pakistan Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, Justice Gulzar Ahmed and Justice Sheikh Azmat Saeed resumed hearing on the pending issue of grant of mining lease over exploration of gold and copper reserves in the Reko Diq area.

Khalid Anwar, counsel for TCC said that Balochistan Government had enhanced the area for exploration of minerals and awarded contract for 44,000 kilometer area instead of 13,000 kilometer in its own interest. He added that the provincial government had failed to explore gold and copper reserves in the area.

The counsel said that the foreign company has invested large amount of funds for exploration during the last ten years.

Justice Gulzar said that the Balochistan government was not a part of amendments made in the license since there was no stamp of the governor on the agreement. Anwar responded that the Balochistan Government never refused that document either.

The Chief Justice remarked that there was nothing on record that the governor had approved it and added that the governor was bound to follow the advice of the Chief Executive under PCO.

Advocate General Amanullah Kanrani informed the court that TCCP had received documents before government of Balochistan and departments concerned. He said that he himself got copies from TCCP while original documents were in TCC’s custody and added that if the documents are produced before the apex court, a separate case could be registered against the company.

The Chief Justice asked Anwar that the amendment on which he was depending should be checked for its authenticity.

Kanrani told the court that the Balochistan government had no record. Anwar said that the Chief Minister had sent a summary with amendments for approval in May 1999 and it was included in the Balochistan Government documents presented to the apex court.

The Chief Justice though observed that the summary was not approved but it was suggested that a committee should be formed to look into the matter. The Chief Justice remarked that the court knew validity of every document and added that the Balochistan government is part of this case and we could not exclude it from the case.

The bench adjourned further hearing till Wednesday by advising TCCP's counsel to conclude his arguments on Wednesday.


A fan’s tribute to Yash Chopra

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 09:30 AM PST



KARACHI: 

Shahvaar Ali Khan loves the limelight. His instant fame of "Filmein shilmein" featured in Desi Boyz and then an impressive single on Indo-Pak peace, "No Saazish, No Jang," has made him popular in both countries. Khan's most recent song that has gone viral on social media is a tribute to Yash Chopra, the king of romance, on his demise.

Khan's song titled "Mai har ek pal ka shayar houn" (I'm a poet of every moment) is his way of remembering and admiring Yash Chopra for his contribution to the Indian cinema, and of course nobody can deny that he was equally popular in Pakistan. The tribute is from the original song "Mai pal do pal ka shayar houn," featured in 1976 Kabhie Kabhie which was produced and directed by Yash Chopra.

"If I can give a tribute to Ustad Mehdi Hassan Khan sahab on his demise then why can't I also admire Yash Chopra's work?" Khan said to The Express Tribune in an interview.

"I am humbled that I was the first artist in Pakistan or India to honour Mehdi Hassan sahab in my small way after he passed on.  If Indian singers can do the same since Mehdi sahab was equally popular in India, then I can also appreciate Yash ji in my own way."

Chopra's last film, Jab Tak Hai Jaan, had the biggest film opening in the history of Pakistani cinema a testament to the director's fan following in Pakistan.

"As a Pakistani artist, and an ardent fan of film music, whether Indian or Pakistan, 'Mein Har Ik Pal Ka Shayar Hoon' was just made intuitively from my heart," shared Khan. "It was in adulation of the Lahore-born man who defined films and music for an entire era, not just for Indians, but also for the world."

"Main pal do pal ka shayar hoon" was written by the renowned poet, Sahir Ludhianvi and was sung by the evergreen Mukesh for Kabhie Kabhie.  Khan's childhood memories are tied to the tunes from the film and during his school days, he discovered that four geniuses had worked for Kabhie Kabhie's successful soundtrack: Chopra, Ludhianvi, Mukesh and Khayyam — the film's music composer.

"It seemed like a befitting and humble tribute from a fellow Lahori to a man of Yashji's stature in an effort to augment my own learning curve in music," said Khan. "The lyrics of the song hauntingly and ironically define the existence and passing of a great creative genius; his momentary yet immortal connect with his audience and hence the twist — Mein har ek pal ka shayar houn."

Shahvaar Ali Khan

Not every remake or remix of an old song gets approval from its listeners. There have been cases when melodious songs have been wasted by new musicians; however, Khan has tried to maintain the beauty of this globally famous song from the '70s. He believes that his version has the smoothness of the original melody and he hasn't forced his vocals in it.

"The task of revamping a classic melody is extremely challenging and daunting," said Khan. "I began work with sheer excitement at first; but then I realised that the scale at which Mukesh sahab had sung the song and the way Khayyam sahab set it was a bit higher than my natural scale," explained Khan. "No other scale could do even remote justice to the song!"

The idea was to keep the soul of the melody. He said the musical arrangement was perfect as it was, and he only wanted to embellish it with electronic rock music influence to give it a contemporary sound. Khan would make his musicians and his father, Matin Khan, listen to the song and critique his work so that he could perfect it. Since Matin is a serious classical and film music lover, his input of the initial scratch tracks helped in honing the final track.

"I know that these are very big shoes to fill and in no way am I trying to compare my cover with the original classic track; but I hope I was able to do one percent justice to the song and at least give today's younger generation an insight into this classic/poetic, esoteric Yash Chopra track."

Published in The Express Tribune, November 28th, 2012.          

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Provincial politicking : ANP hints at ‘electoral adjustment’ with JUI-F

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 08:30 AM PST



PESHAWAR: 

The ruling Awami National Party (ANP) on Monday hinted at an electoral adjustment with the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F) for the next general elections.

After JUI-F chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman termed his party as an "alternate to the ANP", the ANP's announcement came as a surprise.

A statement issued after ANP's provincial cabinet meeting confirmed that the party was negotiating with the JUI-F in some districts of the province to forge an alliance.

However, the JUI-F, on its part, downplayed this assertion while admitting that some ANP politicians have been contacted in some districts.

JUI-F's provincial spokesperson Haji Jalil said that so far the party had not made any decision, adding that their first priority will be an alliance with other religious groups.

Elaborating the party's stance, he said that the JUI-F had formed a committee headed by Maulana Attaur Rehman to negotiate with other parties.

JUIF

Confirming that the district leadership of the JUI-F was contacted by the ANP, Jan said that the central and general councils meetings were scheduled for November 29 and December 1 in Peshawar, where they will look into reports from party's district chapters about seat adjustment and alliances.

The ANP's cabinet has authorised Provincial President Afrasiyab Khattak to contact electable candidates for joining the party.

Holding large public gatherings at the district level as part of its election campaigning was also approved.

On September 9, Fazlur Rehman had denied any prospect of an electoral alliance with the ANP.

Talking to journalists in Peshawar, he had said: "People are fed up with the ANP's policies and will vote the JUI-F into power."

Published in The Express Tribune, November 27th, 2012.

 


Privacy groups ask Facebook to withdraw proposed policy changes

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 07:28 AM PST



SAN FRANCISCO: Two privacy advocacy groups urged Facebook Inc on Monday to withdraw proposed changes to its terms of service that would allow the company to share user data with recently acquired photo-application Instagram, eliminate a user voting system and loosen email restrictions within the social network.

The changes, which Facebook unveiled on Wednesday, raise privacy risks for users and violate the company’s previous commitments to its roughly 1 billion members, according to the Electronic Privacy Information Center and the Center for Digital Democracy.

“Facebook’s proposed changes implicate the user privacy and terms of a recent settlement with the Federal Trade Commission,” the groups said in a letter to Facebook Chief Executive Mark Zuckerberg that was published on their websites on Monday.

By sharing information with Instagram, the letter said, Facebook could combine user profiles, ending its practice of keeping user information on the two services separate.

Facebook declined to comment on the letter.

In April, Facebook settled privacy charges with the US Federal Trade Commission that it had deceived consumers and forced them to share more personal information than they intended. Under the settlement, Facebook is required to get user consent for certain changes to its privacy settings and is subject to 20 years of independent audits.

Facebook, Google and other online companies have faced increasing scrutiny and enforcement from privacy regulators as consumers entrust ever-increasing amounts of information about their personal lives to Web services.

Facebook unveiled a variety of proposed changes to its terms of service and data use polices on Wednesday, including a move to scrap a 4-year old process that can allow the social network’s roughly 1 billion users to vote on changes to its policies.

If proposed changes generate more than 7,000 public comments during a seven-day period, Facebook’s current terms of service automatically trigger a vote by users to approve the changes. But the vote is only binding if at least 30% of users take part, and two prior votes never reached that threshold.

The latest proposed changes had garnered more than 17,000 comments by late Monday.

Facebook also said last week that it wanted to eliminate a setting for users to control who can contact them on the social network’s email system. The company said it planned to replace the “Who can send you Facebook messages” setting with new filters for managing incoming messages.

That change is likely to increase the amount of unwanted “spam” messages that users receive, the privacy groups warned on Monday.

Facebook’s potential information sharing with Instagram, a photo-sharing service for smartphone users that it bought in October, flows from proposed changes that would allow the company to share information between its own service and other businesses or affiliates it owns.

The change could open the door for Facebook to build unified profiles of its users that include people’s personal data from its social network and from Instagram, similar to recent moves by Google Inc.

In January, Google said it would combine users’ personal information from its various Web services – such as search, email and the Google+ social network – to provide a more customised experience. The unified data policy raised concerns among some privacy advocates and regulators, who said it was an invasion of people’s privacy.

“As our company grows, we acquire businesses that become a legal part of our organisation,” Facebook spokesperson Andrew Noyes said in an emailed statement on Monday.

“Those companies sometimes operate as affiliates. We wanted to clarify that we will share information with our affiliates and vice versa, both to help improve our services and theirs, and to take advantage of storage efficiencies,” Noyes said.


Court orders: Bail request for fake ISI colonel approved by court

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 06:28 AM PST



PESHAWAR: The Peshawar High Court (PHC) on Monday accepted the bail application of a man posing as an ISI colonel.

The bail was granted for a sum of Rs0.1 million with two reliable sureties.

Murad, a resident of Rawalpindi, was arrested by the police for trying to lease government land (belonging to the environmental department) of approximately 5,000 square yards for 99 years.

Officials of the environmental department, upon suspicion, informed the police about the matter, who arrested Murad.

Police said that Murad has a fake MBA and PhD degree and has served on key posts in many organisations. He is accused of being involved in kidnappings, blackmailing, extortion and murder cases.

On Monday, Murad's counsel Abdul Latif Afridi told the bench that after the registration of an FIR against his client, the prosecution could not collect any proof to support the allegations.

On the other hand, the state counsel argued that the Ministry of Defence needs to be informed before an intelligence official is sent for any task to a government department. He said that Murad posed as a fake intelligence colonel and his bail request should not be approved.

Chief Justice (CJ) Dost Muhammad Khan, however, accepted his bail.

Another three imposters granted bail 

In another case, three imposters, arrested for posing as army officials, were also granted bail by the PHC on Monday.

Fawad Hussain posing as an army major, Hamza Ali as a captain, and another man named Tariq were posing as Anti-Narcotics Force officials and taking money during from applicants during an ANF entry exam.

Acting on intelligence information, police raided the guest house where the test was taking place and arrested them.

During the case hearing, CJ Khan was told by Akbar Ali Shah, the counsel for the respondents, that the accusations against his clients are false and there is no evidence to prove that they were involved in the crime.

CJ Khan later approved the bail request for all three for Rs0.2 million with two reliable sureties.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 27th, 2012.


‘Bronze a boost ahead of Champions Trophy’

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 05:28 AM PST



KARACHI: The Pakistan Hockey Federation's (PHF) coaching consultant Tahir Zaman has termed the win against India at the Super Series tournament a breakthrough for the Greenshirts ahead of the crucial Champions Trophy. 

Pakistan lost all three league matches at the four-nation, nine-a-side tournament – they lost 4-2 against Australia and England before a 5-2 thrashing at the hands of India. However, the result was reversed in the third-place playoff on Sunday. Zaman felt the sole win was important ahead of the Champions Trophy that starts in Melbourne from December 1.

"The team bounced back at just the right time," the Olympian told The Express Tribune. "It was an important win after three defeats on the trot. It will definitely help the team regain confidence before the tough event."

However, Zaman added that it will not be realistic to expect a medal from Pakistan.

"If we manage to finish fourth, that will be a big achievement. This tournament has always been tough due to the presence of top-ranked teams. We have to win against less stronger teams."

Greenshirts reach Melbourne

Meanwhile, the Pakistan team reached Melbourne yesterday after taking part in the Super Series event. According to a team official, the players will undergo training session today. Pakistan are placed alongside Australia, the Netherlands and Belgium in the group.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 27th, 2012.


Art & Afridi aspiration

Posted: 27 Nov 2012 04:26 AM PST



Picture this scenario: Pakistan is batting and the match is at a crucial juncture. A wicket falls and in comes Shahid Afridi to bat. Minutes later, he walks away from the crease — he is either bowled out or caught in attempting a mindless shot. The exuberant fans among the spectators grow silent. The nation is outraged.

Why do we get so disappointed by someone who's repeated these very antics for the past 16 years? Why do we get upset by the impulsive batting of someone who is now looking to establish himself as a serious bowler?

The answer may lie in the past.

There was a time when we were in our anonymous-troll stage of global politics. During this time, many of us would act in ways conforming to a common behavior pattern among both the young and the old in the dish-class. While everyone would intently be watching television (remember, this was still a time when the numerical buttons on the remote were an avenue into the rest of the world, which we viewed with awe and wonder), there was this inevitable moment when we would all be drawn in a little closer to the screen, completely spell-bound for 45 or so seconds, until someone would sigh and say, "Wese, yeh Indians ads barray zabardast banatay hain…"

Perhaps I am drawing this contrived analogy solely based on my own experience, but there can be no debate regarding the fact that Pakistan, at the time, was a pimply pre-teen desperate to get noticed.

Sure, we have ended up with a terrible reputation, but our repute has also got this notorious swagger to it. Back then we were a country that a villain's sidekick in a bad action movie would mention as a place where you got smuggled goods from. Now, we have become a crisis for the Western world.

So at a time when Pakistanis desperately sought a place for themselves in the world, the quality of the Indian ads, and the innate 'Indian-ness' they so boldly conveyed, left us convinced that all Indian advertisements were bound by a common agenda to represent their country and their people as some new-age cultural hybrid superpower.

Of course, Pakistanis always knew that, in reality, Indians weren't worth ****.

We would repeat this ad-nauseam, using complex theories which, depending on the civility of the conversation, ranged from ridiculing the hero worship of demigod Sachin Tendulkar and extolling the physical/mental/sexual benefits of eating meat to condescendingly talking of the ministers who travelled in old-fashioned Ambassadors.

But somehow, these ads still made us uncomfortable — conveying something that didn't quite fit with our deprecating attitude towards the Indians. So we reasoned that those 'chalaak' Indians really knew how to sell themselves.

These were, after all, ads; their job was to sell.

Our ads of the time were simpler: we had 'Farzana Davakhana' and 'Al-Rauf Model City' (sung in the tune of Jaati Huun Mei) and, of course, 'Gaey Soap'. For those of us who get these references, the ads are cultural artifacts, sources of nostalgia that we might cherish now. But as advertisements, they were mostly in the business of getting a lot of information across — or if slightly more sophisticated — get you to remember the brand.

In contrast, Indian ads were weaving tales of urban adjustment with rural tradition via electronic roti-makers, fashioning epics on the accomplishment of the petite bourgeoisie through two-toned wall paints, and dishing out dance-numbers celebrating gender empowerment and domestic bliss delivered by non-stick frying pans. Advertisements were creating elaborate fantasies, and those of us with disposable incomes longed to be part of it.

But over the years, the boom of Pakistani channels created more space for ads on the airwaves. The mindboggling growth of telcos and the easy-money days of the banking sector meant that there were more products that needed to be sold, and the old ways of marketing seemed redundant. Pakistani advertising finally came of age.

Today, Pakistani advertisers are picking up viral online videos and doing parodies on them, or making film-noir references for made-in-China mobile phones. They are pushing the envelope and daring to create fantasies for ideas and societies that don't quite exist.

My favourite example of this is the raucous groups of youngsters who populate the mobile network ads. These groups manage to pull off the holy troika of Pakistani jawani: the perfect ratio of the number of guys and girls, dancing in groups with no awkward launda displays of homoeroticism, and set in places where there is no need to bribe the police or station guards. To live this kind of hormone-fuelled, hair-gelled existence is a bit too far-fetched in a place like Pakistan — making it a perfect fantasy to sell.

But to make the incredulous sell, no matter how far from reality it may be, is easy when a star is employed. That's because a genuine star, a bona fide celebrity, is someone in whom we unabashedly invest our fantasies and desires. The conflation of our desires evoked by the product being advertised and those that we associate with the star leads to a desire nirvana — a perfect formula to sell.

Predictably, the one face you see the most in Pakistan selling products is Afridi's. And that tells us something very intriguing about our national fantasies.

In just about every advertisement that features Afridi, whether it's about skin whitening creams, motorcycles, bank accounts or chewing gum, the money shot — the moment when the use of the product is related to success — always shows 'Boom Boom' going for the big hit.

It seems to make sense, until you actually think about it. If we were drawn to these ads solely based on Lala's looks (Afridi's sexuality is dangerously transcendental), then we would gladly ogle at him for longer without needing to be lured by his batting.

If we were in it for cricket, then his persistent recklessness with the bat would put us off, or we would want snippets of video of his bowling action (that he is now much better at) and his typical celebration pose. Yet, even when his bowling and pose show up in an ad, they are invariably followed by a powerful knock over cow corner.

It's not like the advertisers are closet Afridi fans, seeking to impose a fantastical version of his talent with the bat over the sobering reality of his pitiful performances with it. Let's not forget, the advertisers only want their product to sell by associating it with something that is desirable.

Is it true then that despite the reams of columns written to savage him, and twitter streams calling for his head, and despite the burning effigies and the irate radio show calls — we really, really want Afridi to play just the way he does?

I'm sure you have a smug 'no' waiting for me. I don't blame you — denial is the first recourse for all of us.

But if we didn't want Boom Boom to start swinging the moment he walks out, why do our fantasies collude with his fabled hitting? I mean, if we really hated him batting the way he does, we would have formed a revulsion for these ads. But we haven't.

Hence, it leads to the next question: why do we not? Why do we long to see a 'Boom Boom Batting Blitzkrieg' that is inherently risky?

I'll try to answer this one without resorting to any meandering tangents, which means it doesn't have a lot of nuance. I believe that we love the idea of everything big, be it a hit with the bat or the big innings coming off of it. Sure, our cricketing tradition boasts of many big hitters and we have historically revered our fantastic bowlers. But we specifically want Afridi to hit that big shot. We want to see someone so beautiful, so magnetic, and so utterly flawed and impulsive to have that one leap of faith come good. We want him to just go for the shot even when we know he'll probably fail — because we know that if he does get it, and the one after that (and maybe a few more), all those times of misery and failure would have been worth suffering through.

Perhaps we are resigned to an absence of method, a lack of sophistication and a want for improvisation in our own lives. We know that despite our finely articulated programs for progress, we are just as useless as the ones we condemn. And we know that despite protestations to the contrary, we enjoy the idea of courage, of risk, and of rash impetuousness — if not in ourselves, then in someone we can invest our fantasies in.

Yes, we want the war to be owned and for the war to end, and yes, we want to get rid of corruption and understand patronage, and yes, we want to educate our daughters and honor our mothers, but ultimately, in our wildest fantasies, all we really want is for Afridi to hit another six.

Published in The Express Tribune, Sunday Magazine, November 25th, 2012.

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